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A Brief Overview of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade
David Eltis
(Emory University),
2007
Eventual Abolition
Awareness of the insider-outsider divide within Europe
coincided with the onset of the struggle to suppress first the
slave trade, and then slavery itself. Early in the British campaign
to suppress the slave trade, Charles James Fox, a British
statesman, posed a question for the House of Commons that he
described as “the foundation for the whole business.” How would
members of Parliament react, he asked, if “a Bristol ship were to
go to any part of France…and the democrats (there) were to sell the
aristocrats, or vice versa, to be carried off to Jamaica….to be
sold for slaves?” The very posing of this question – and this is
the earliest documented example from someone close to power – meant
that the issue was not whether the system was to be questioned, but
rather, when it would end. In the same year, the Danes passed
legislation ensuring their own slave trade would become illegal in
1802. In 1807, the British and US governments made the trade
illegal. Beginning in 1810, the British established a network of
treaties that allowed their naval vessels to detain the slave ships
of other nations. The decisive actions against the traffic
nevertheless did not come until the mid 1840s and again in 1851,
when the Cuban and Brazilian governments respectively took serious
action against the slave trade. In effect, the traffic could be
halted only by the intervention of the governments of regions that
were either exporting or importing slaves; it could not be halted
by naval action alone. Nevertheless, naval intervention did result
in the capture of nearly 2,000 slave vessels after 1808. Only 544
of these had slaves on board at the time of capture, but their
125,000 captives (or strictly, re-captives) were diverted from the
sugar and coffee plantations for which they were intended, and for
the most part ended their lives with choices they did not have
prior to their re-capture.
Between the 1840s and 1850s, the traffic declined from an
average of 50,000 a year to 16,000, and after 1860, to half this. It
was carried on under the Spanish and Portuguese flags, and
sometimes under no flag at all. By now all governments were
cooperating to suppress the traffic. From one perspective, the slave
trade dragged on for many decades after the first action was taken
against it in 1792. From another, it disappeared in less than a
century after millennia during which slavery and slave trading had
been regarded as normal as growing food. Not surprisingly, a few
decades beyond 1867 saw other (though much smaller) varieties of
long-distance movement of coerced labor disappear as well. The flow
of contract laborers from Asia to the Americas ended in 1917; the
last convict dispatched to exile in the Americas returned from
Devil’s Island to France in 1952. Notwithstanding the horrors of
forced labor of the twentieth century and the ongoing smuggling of
illegal laborers into developed countries, often under terms of debt
slavery, it is inconceivable that a slave traffic could reappear as
a central social institution.
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